“There’s something very odd about a world in which it’s easier to imagine a futuristic technology that doesn’t exist outside of lab tests than to envision expansion of a technology that’s in wide use around the world. How did we reach a state in America where highly speculative technologies, backed by private companies, are seen as a plausible future while routine, ordinary technologies backed by governments are seen as unrealistic and impossible?”—Google cars versus public transit: the US’s problem with public goods | … My heart’s in Accra (via new-aesthetic)
Economist Ronald Coase, who died in September at the age of 102 (!) and still working (!!) answered that question in The Nature of the Firm.Matthew Yglesias explains at Slate:
> Economists talk a lot about markets and about how markets are structured and about participants in the markets. But those participants are often firms_ —companies, universities or hospitals, professional associations, etc.—that pool the labor and economic resources of large numbers of people. If I look around me right now I’m sitting in a starbucks and out the window I can see a Nissan truck and a Ford sedan and then across the street there’s a Toyota parked in front of the Whole Foods. And you can see that the market transactions between myself and Starbucks or between the Ford’s owner and the Ford dealership are in a sense trivial in scale compared to the nonmarket transactions happening between the Whole Foods employees or the entire Starbucks team and their regional manager or the whole group of people at Toyota who came together to design and build and market the Camry._
Firms exist because getting big jobs done require a lot of cooperation. And somebody needs to be in charge.
> Which is to say that even in a market economy, the most successful practitioners aren’t going to be organized along market principles. Instead they’re little islands of central planning. And the islands themselves operate along different principles—the phrase “corporate culture” is often invoked. Some firms are more communitarian, while others are more command-and-control. Some firms contract-out lots of functions and some firms bring more things in-house. And the boundaries are always changing.
The issue of contracting is an intriguing one, Yglesias notes. All firms contract some things — let the market take care of it — and handle other things in-house. Microsoft„ for example, used to focus on software and let other companies handle hardware. Nokia did both. Then Microsoft bought Nokia. But it’s not just Microsoft. No company does everything. Every company relies on contractors.
“It’s part of Midtown in Motion, an initiative to feed information from lots of sensors into New York’s traffic management center. A spokesperson for the New York Department of Transportation, Scott Gastel, says the E-Z Pass readers are on highways across the city, and on streets in Manhattan, Brooklyn and Staten Island, and have been in use for years. The city uses the data from the readers to provide real-time traffic information, as for this tool. The DoT was not forthcoming about what exactly was read from the passes or how long geolocation information from the passes was kept. Notably, the fact that E-ZPasses will be used as a tracking device outside of toll payment, is not disclosed anywhere that I could see in the terms and conditions. When I talked to the E-ZPass Inter-agency Group — the umbrella association that oversees the use of the pay-toll-paying tags in 15 different states — it said New York is the only state that is employing this inventive re-use of the tags. … ‘If NYDOT can put up readers, says [the hacker], ‘other agencies could as well.’”—NYC Is Tracking RFID Toll Collection Tags All Over the City - Slashdot (via iamdanw)
Documents published last year by WikiLeaks obtained from the US intelligence contractor Stratfor, show that in 2011 Jared Cohen, then (as he is now) Director of Google Ideas, was off running secret missions to the edge of Iran in Azerbaijan. In these internal emails, Fred Burton, Stratfor’s Vice President for Intelligence and a former senior State Department official, describes Google as follows:
“Google is getting WH [White House] and State Dept support and air cover. In reality they are doing things the CIA cannot do…[Cohen] is going to get himself kidnapped or killed. Might be the best thing to happen to expose Google’s covert role in foaming up-risings, to be blunt. The US Gov’t can then disavow knowledge and Google is left holding the shit-bag”
In further internal communication, Burton subsequently clarifies his sources on Cohen’s activities as Marty Lev, Google’s director of security and safety and… Eric Schmidt.
WikiLeaks cables also reveal that previously Cohen, when working for the State Department, was in Afghanistan trying to convince the four major Afghan mobile phone companies to move their antennas onto US military bases. In Lebanon he covertly worked to establish, on behalf of the State Department, an anti-Hezbollah Shia think tank. And in London? He was offering Bollywood film executives funds to insert anti-extremist content into Bollywood films and promising to connect them to related networks in Hollywood. That is the Director of Google Ideas. Cohen is effectively Google’s director of regime change. He is the State Department channeling Silicon Valley.
That Google was taking NSA money in exchange for handing over people’s data comes as no surprise. When Google encountered the big bad world, Google itself got big and bad.
“Drones are avatars of the the political process: they are instantiations of a set of ideologies and beliefs, made visible by their reification in electromechanical systems. When we talk about drones, we are really talking about the politics that demand, shape, and deploy them, and the politics which are made possible by them. This politics reflects the drones themselves: it is a politics of violence, of obfuscation, of radical inequality of sight and action, and it is sustained by that obfuscation and that inequality.”—Australia: Drone Shadows, Diagrams, and Political Systems | booktwo.org (via onevisiblefuture)
“Glendale school officials have hired a Hermosa Beach company to monitor and analyze public social media posts, saying the service will help them step in when students are in danger of harming themselves or others. After collecting information from students’ posts on social media platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, YouTube and Twitter, Geo Listening will provide Glendale school officials with a daily report that categorizes posts by their frequency and how they relate to cyber-bullying, harm, hate, despair, substance abuse, vandalism and truancy.”—Glendale is paying service to monitor students online - Glendale News Press (via new-aesthetic)
The county’s district attorney, a fifty-seven-year-old woman with feathered Charlie’s Angels hair named Lynda K. Russell, arrived an hour later. Russell, who moonlighted locally as a country singer, told Henderson and Boatright that they had two options. They could face felony charges for “money laundering” and “child endangerment,” in which case they would go to jail and their children would be handed over to foster care. Or they could sign over their cash to the city of Tenaha, and get back on the road. “No criminal charges shall be filed,” a waiver she drafted read, “and our children shall not be turned over to CPS,” or Child Protective Services.
“Where are we?” Boatright remembers thinking. “Is this some kind of foreign country, where they’re selling people’s kids off?” Holding her sixteen-month-old on her hip, she broke down in tears.
Later, she learned that cash-for-freedom deals had become a point of pride for Tenaha, and that versions of the tactic were used across the country. “Be safe and keep up the good work,” the city marshal wrote to Washington, following a raft of complaints from out-of-town drivers who claimed that they had been stopped in Tenaha and stripped of cash, valuables, and, in at least one case, an infant child, without clear evidence of contraband.
SM: Couriers do not necessarily know each other or you directly and Feral Trade constitutes a chance to become part of a permanently expanding network. What”s interesting though, is the contingent nature of the network itself. During their brief meetings, couriers get to know each other while swapping their roles, shifting from the receiver of the object to its giver. Yet, the only thing they have in common might be exactly the transiting object, positioned in between the two of them. Are the dynamics of these odd encounters something you are interested in?
KR: The network is more like permanently drifting than expanding.
Couriers come and go, some take on frequent and huge loads, others are intermittent, but the network has settled in at its own scale. It flies in the face of for example facebook’s proposition that social networks can just scale up indefinitely.
I thought about it recently as a normal courier system, like DHL, but
without any actual infrastructure. So no wages, uniforms, fleet, schedules, forms to fill out (other than the online courier report which is entirely voluntary and subjective), warehouses, scripts or protocols, aside from normal social ones. When two couriers meet on a street corner to hand over a travelling product, all you are left with is the social transaction. Which despite being the essence of the whole process is essentially out of the trader’s field of vision and control.
I’d also like to point out it’s fundamentally different to drug running networks! – everyone seems to want to flag that comparison up – which are primarily coercive and hierarchical. When you have a peer network and it’s your own friends, colleagues, neighbours, bosses etc doing the running, it’s impossible to structure in that degree of exploitation.
“No person shall carry or possess a Club, fire accelerant, fireworks, Painting Device, Paint Projectile, Shield, sling shot, Hammer, Wrench, satchel of ball bearings, scythe, Tome, fixed but non-circulating capital, Teeth, a negative relation to capitalizing nouns in which what has not been defined by law is not capital, filth, fur, Stone, a well-nourished but obstinate bear cub, sai, grapplers,Throwing Stars, Stars, caltrops, bear clubs, leather clubs, mizugumo for walking unbesmirched across water or the loosed innards of local business, the loosed innards of local business, Leather Daddies, high keening sounds, Guillotines, Glass, sand as the atavism of glass, faithful reproductions of Nestor Makhno’s tachanka, Horses unhooked from vehicles tachanka or otherwise, horses, nihilism, Aboriginal nulla nullas, voids, former WWF star and Lumbee tribe descedent Tatanka and his End of the Trail finishing move, petrol, petroleuses, petroleum jelly mixed with liquified poison oak to be tossed in water balloons like itchy napalm, napalm, poison oak smoke, good weed, indications, shit weed, Atavan, primmies dressed in Avatar cosplay, Quaaludes, quills, a sine qua non kind of insurgency, poppers, autonomous lungs, the moment in the film version of Mr. Popper’s Penguins where the shadow of one projects on yuppie frosted glass like some nightmare reptilian past of flightless rage, birds, Birds, bird flu, the gull of Diogenes, its frottage, Plague Squirrels, sickles, cells of Santa Rita jail torn free from their host and thrown whole hog at pigs, wolves, nanowolves, polywolves, the irrepressible wolfishness of insurrectionary guts, bear traps, reverse bear traps, twink slips, the removed hearts of Oakland City Council members roasted on an arcane open grill and just kinda forgotten about, coal, an extremely loud recording of “Grillz” by Nelly ft. Paul Wall and Ali & Gipp, knife-shaped gripes, the ashes of that grill gathered and joined with the spit of wolfish folk to form an inky substance then used to write picket signs with pole diameters exceeding the allowed 1/4″ in thickness, marbles, pogs, slammers, general strikes, milk forgotten as long or longer than those hearts cooked but abandoned, the spines of self-help books, counter-weaponized TED talks, cats, caulking, earth, pessimism, Cosmic Pessimism, Maalox, flaming piles of Mitch Albom’s Tuesdays with Morrie loaded onto shopping carts and sent racing toward a line of police officers who seriously loved and were as moved by that book as they are moved now by a fast approaching chariot of fire, the currodrepanus clipeatus siege engine that can spur a riderless horse forward into the ranks of its enemies, a Toyota Prius modified with a currodrepanus clipeatus, Knives, an immeasurable quantity of cloacae, any quantity of cloacae, crows murdered and not, silt carried all the way from Rome’s ancient Cloaca Maxima sewer through airport customs to be dried and tossed into the air to stick to the teary eyes of cops who are now thinking about how Morrie so loved to quote W.H. Auden’s words “we love each other or perish,” pikes, petards, pickets, the hoisting of us high on the powderkeg of time, breaches, spinners, the fact that either Albom or Morrie or both didn’t know their Auden for shit because the correct line is “We must love one another or die,” sabots, Tourette’s, shamanism, the fact that Auden changed the line for a 1955 anthology to read “We must love one another and die” because he was afraid we would take it to mean that death could be avoided by the act of love, Molotovs, Bodily Fluids, a good grasp on the relation between unwaged reproductive work and the circulation of capital, a good grasp on an axe handle, the fact that six lines before the one about death and love are four that read “And the lie of Authority / Whose buildings grope the sky: / There is no such thing as the State / And no one exists alone,” a good left hook, a better kick to the stones, sticking and moving, glitter, the knight’s move, dazzle painting, kindness, the fact that Auden was wrong because the final line is “show an affirming flame” yet he excluded the prospect of fire accelerant or fireworks or fire to the prisons, Dumpsters, Dump Trucks, Dump Trucks filled with nothing but camouflage, camouflage that makes all rioters look like local businesses, camouflage that creeps down the throats of riot police on little rat feet, the fact that Auden was wrong because the State does exist, dogs, the fact that we know this, Foot Locker Shards, garottes, the fact that Auden somehow knew he was wrong because he called that poem “trash which he is ashamed to have written,” trash, barricades, Trashicades, Thorns, ferrous architecture, scanners, Montezuma’s Revenge, flagrantly burnt cages, dangerously aged meat, bolt cutters, streets, cunning, Kairos, shivs, the rain, the slain, the clamor, the mob, the yawp, the busted, the daughters, the wolves, the fact that we will wrong all who cross us.”—Re: Ordinance Prohibiting the Possession of the Tools of Violence And Vandalism During a Demonstration
pgrades since 9/11/01 have more than tripled the amount of DISN services bandwidth pre-positioned to support Warfighter STEP entries. (Jan 2003)
Domain growth from 60 IDNX nodes to 213 nodes in 7 months (From October 2002- April 2003 – in the 2004 report : US DISA GWOT & OIF LESSONS LEARNED).
BANDWIDTH FUELS TRANSFORMATIONAL WARFARE (Jan 2004)
Finding: Strategic C4ISR requires high bandwidth to support today’s net-centric warfare. Deployed forces are dependent upon bandwidth to disseminate large data and imagery files, conduct VTC’s and collaborative planning with command personnel around the globe, and receive real-time intelligence information on the battlefield. Recent OEF/OIF/GWOT operations in the Central Region that were enabled by exponential increases in conventional bandwidth clearly demonstrated the value and feasibility of net-centric operations, but greater flexible response in providing bandwidth across all echelons of the GIG, especially at the tactical level, are needed in support of GWOT’s current and probable missions.
Current Military Satellite (MILSAT) constellation does not have the capability to provide sufficient bandwidth to support strategic C4ISR requirements. MILSAT only provided approximately 20% of the C4ISR bandwidth required in support of OEF/OIF/GWOT missions. The remaining 80% had to be acquired from commercial sources.
But the basic facts are plain enough. As well as five British prisons and the tags attached to over 8,000 English and Welsh offenders, Serco sees to two immigration removal centres, at Colnbrook near Heathrow, and Yarl’s Wood in Bedfordshire. You’ll also see its logo on the Docklands Light Railway and Woolwich ferry, and is a partner in both Liverpool’s Merseyrail network, and the Northern Rail franchise, which sees to trains that run in a huge area between the North Midlands and English-Scottish border.
Serco runs school inspections in parts of England, speed cameras all over the UK, and the National Nuclear Laboratory, based at the Sellafield site in Cumbria. It also holds the contracts for the management of the UK’s ballistic missile early warning system on the Yorkshire moors, the running of the Manchester Aquatics Centre, and London’s “Boris bikes”.
As evidenced by the story of how it handled out-of-hours care in Cornwall, it is also an increasingly big player in a health service that is being privatised at speed, in the face of surprisingly little public opposition: among its array of NHS contracts is a new role seeing to “community health services” in Suffolk, which involves 1,030 employees. The company is also set to bid for an even bigger healthcare contract in Cambridgeshire and Peterborough: the NHS’s single-biggest privatisation – or, if you prefer, “outsourcing” – to date, which could be worth over £1bn.
But even this is only a fraction of the story. Among their scores of roles across the planet, Serco is responsible for air traffic control in the United Arab Emirates, parking-meter services in Chicago, driving tests in Ontario, and an immigration detention centre on Christmas Island, run on behalf of those well-known friends of overseas visitors the Australian government.
“The prosecutors are in their early 30s — nominally “digital natives” — and should know better. “Do you know what Wget is?” they interrogate a witness, as if it is malicious spyware and not an everyday command line program. The government is capitalizing on asymmetric tech literacy and the failure of language when old laws are applied to the internet. At the peak of this absurdity: WikiLeaks cables are still formally classified, so despite being readily available to anyone with internet, closed sessions are required to discuss them.”— Bradley Manning on Trial
Whose future, and in whose name? I’m thinking about Joel Dinerstein’s writings on ‘techno-fundamentalism’ and ‘technology as White mythology’ here, certainly. But also about that particularly futuristy tic of aspirational weirdness. As in, what we want out of the future is not that it’s better or more comfortable or less ecologically destructive or more equitable or more just. What we want out of the future is that it’s weird, please let it be weird. Where does this come from? Is it a particularly classed, gendered, even racinated (?) thing?
Does aspirational weirdness assume the same kind of techtopianism as Clarke, where all the inequalities and injustices of today will somehow get vectorised and smoothed over? Or is it that these struggles frankly not on the radar for folks who aspire to—long for—weirdness? And now I’m wondering, how do you arrive at a praxical synthesis of weirdness and social justice? (Because undoubtedly, there’s something enticing and seductive about «weirdness» for me too.) I want to emphasise the praxical, because it’s all too easy to arrive at something that feels fresh, directional, transformative, but never manages to transcend the realm of aesthetics, especially with regards to ethnifuturisms.
It reminds me of the “bike to work” movement. That is also portrayed as white, but in my city more than half of the people on bike are not white. I was once talking to a white activist who was photographing “bike commuters” and had only pictures of white people with the occasional “black professional” I asked her why she didn’t photograph the delivery people, construction workers etc. … ie. the black and Hispanic and Asian people… and she mumbled something about trying to “improve the image of biking” then admitted that she didn’t really see them as part of the “green movement” since they “probably have no choice” –
I was so mad I wanted to quit working on the project she and I were collaborating on.
So, in the same way when people in a poor neighborhood grow food in their yards … it’s just being poor– but when white people do it they are saving the earth or something.
”—comment left on the Racialious blog post “Sustainable Food & Privilege: Why is Green always White (and Male and Upper-Class)
1. Unmanned aircraft with a mass of over 20kg are required to comply with the full requirements of the UK Air Navigation Order (ANO), in the same fashion as that required for manned aircraft. Exemptions can be obtained from specific articles of the ANO, but any such exemption must be supported by an appropriate safety case. For unmanned aircraft with a mass of 20kg or less, which are termed ‘small unmanned aircraft’, no licence is required but a CAA permission is required in prescribed circumstances. Further details can be obtained on our website using the following link: www.caa.co.uk/CAP722.
2. The CAA has not granted any permission or exemption to the Metropolitan Police Service (MPS) with respect to the operation of unmanned aircraft systems. […]
4. The CAA does not hold any record of any such application.
The CAA can confirm that it holds no correspondence with the Metropolitan Police regarding this subject.
“Like the nice guy from your grad-school program who tries to cover up his hurt feelings by concocting a general theory that explains why he never got a text after his one-night stand, the book portrays the Young-Girl as vain, frivolous, and acquisitive. She serves the traditional female role of reproducing the population and social order, but here, the social order is corrupt. Therefore, Tiqqun suggests, their intervention requires an ironic performance of misogyny. The question remains: Why is misogyny their only option? And why are so many thoughtful people ready to accept that a layer of irony suffices to turns hateful language into the basis of a sound critique?”—Further Materials Toward a Theory of the Man-Child
But the paradox concerning technological development, is that the more advance technologies become, the further we may distance ourselves from it. There are two problematics associated with it: firstly machine became abstract knowledge, what presents to the workers is an interface of control, the know-how is reduced to pressing a button, feeding machine with raw materials; secondly the mechanisation of all artisan skills, create a tendency of diskilling among workers, since automation replaces man’s position as a technical individual. Industrialisation amplifies this effect. On one hand, the concretization of technical objects as technical individuals joins hand in hand with abstractions of labour and knowledges, a button or a control panel hided away large amount of practical knowledge and social relations. On the other hand, the exchange between labour and capital bring labours in the the endless circle of capital reproduction. This is what Simondon understands as proletarianisation and alienation through his reading of Marx, that somehow bypasses the question of properties. Be careful here, I am not suggesting that one should avoid abstraction and reduction; not at all, abstraction and reductions are necessary in many aspects, but the question is rather what kind of reductions and abstractions: one that favours individuation or one that produces disindividuation. For example, one can drive a car by knowing its speed, its limit, and one who dives by only knowing pressing which button, in both case we are dealing with different kind of abstractions. Today, Google and Facebook are doing the latter, we are used to press buttons, satisfy ourselves with the speed and convenience, without really understanding the problematics behind interfaces and its crowdsourcing algorithms.
Drones are loci of power. When we consider a drone, usually what we think of is warfare, surveillance, or some combination of both. Warfare and surveillance are both ways in which power is exercised, and historically that power has been characterized as state power, though with the rise of corporations and NGOs that’s no longer reliably the case. But drones kill, and drones watch, and there’s power in that, and I can think of very few things to write about more interesting than power (or the absence of it).
I think most of us are writing about power most of the time. Regardless of what we’re actually trying to discuss or what stories we’re trying to tell.
What separates the apparently conviction-lacking students of the first anecdote from the militantly radicalized students of the third? Both were given a healthy dose of leftist criticism, yet the Weathermen ended up declaring war while the moviegoers were beguiled by neoliberal propaganda. Why were Mark Stern’s students were so taken in by Waiting for Superman? If his students were convinced of school reform’s fundamental injustice, why were they still moved by the film?
In his reflections on the incident, Stern rejects the hypothesis that his students cynically parroted what they were taught without accepting it to get a good grade as well as the even more cynical possibility that they embraced the criticism of neoliberalism only to absolve themselves of the guilt of benefiting from it. Rather, Stern concludes that the students crying in the theater were crying for help. They were not moved by the film’s heroes; they saw through them and cried instead out of hopeless despair and longing for a true utopian vision.
Doctors under contract with the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation sterilized nearly 150 female inmates from 2006 to 2010 without required state approvals, the Center for Investigative Reporting has found.
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This isn’t a relationship, but the drone stayed the night after fucking me, humming in the air right over my bed as I slept, and it was there when I woke up. I asked it what it wanted and it drifted toward the kitchen, so I made us some eggs which of course only I could eat.
It was something about the way it was looking at me. I just started yelling, throwing things.
Fighting with a drone is like fucking a drone in reverse. It’s all me. The drone just dodges, occasionally catches projectiles at an angle that bounces them back at me, and this might amount to throwing. All drones carry two AGM-114 Hellfire missiles, neatly resized as needed, because all drones are collections of every assumption we’ve ever made about them, but a drone has never fired a missile at anyone they were fucking.
This is no-stakes fighting. I’m not even sure what I’m yelling about. After a while the drone drifts out the window. I cry and scream for it to call me. I order a pizza and spend the rest of the day in bed.
Here’s what you’re going to do. You’re not going to ask too many questions. You’re just going to let it happen. You’ll never know whose eyes are behind the blank no-eyes that see everything. There might not be any anymore; drones regularly display what we perceive as autonomy. In all our concepts of droneness there is hardly ever a human being on the other end. So there’s really no one to direct the questions to.
“Texas law officials have a history of extreme and inappropriate violence. “Last October,” Lindorff writes, “a border patrol officer with the Texas Department of Public Safety, riding in a helicopter, used a sniper rifle to fire at a fast-moving pickup truck carrying nine illegal immigrants into the state from Mexico, killing two and wounding a third, and causing the vehicle to crash and overturn.””—Redacted FBI Documents Show Plot to Kill Occupy Leaders If ‘Deemed Necessary’ - Truthdig (via iamdanw)
“On the morning of June 23rd 1937, George Orwell boarded a train at Barcelona station with his wife, Eileen, and two companions, John McNair and Stafford Cottman. The train was bound for the French border and Orwell (or Eric Blair – he had yet to adopt his now famous nom de plume) was posing as a wealthy English businessman travelling with his wife and associates. In reality, they were fugitives, hunted not only by the fascist forces they’d come to Spain to fight, but also by the communists. McNair was leader of a contingent of fighters organised by the Independent Labour Party (ILP) who had left England to try and stem the rising fascist tide. This small group of revolutionaries and idealists – one among many such groups from all over the world –included Orwell. Prior to boarding the train that morning he had spent much of the previous six months in the trenches until a sniper’s bullet pierced his throat. By the time he’d sufficiently recovered to leave hospital, the internal divisions within the anti-fascist forces had shattered whatever slim chances they’d had of defeating Franco and his allies.”—
[Homage to Catalonia is certainly a part of the New Politic. Even though it was written a long time ago about events a long time ago, history that shows the way in which history is different than it is depicted is always a core part of a political future-present.]
“There are two reasons why we frighten people,” says Schumacher, popping a chocolate biscuit into her mouth. “The first thing is that we’re a feminist, female group with no men connected to it, and the second is that we don’t have leaders.
“These two aspects, the structure that has no leaders and the emphasis on women, these are strongly connected. Russia has always linked the idea of leadership with some man or other, who can control things, and control women. A woman’s group with no leaders… this activism comes from a place people do not recognise, and sets itself up against the structures of power.”
The insistence on anonymity isn’t just to protect individual group members from persecution. Even before the backlash began in earnest, Pussy Riot only ever gave interviews using nicknames, pursuing an image of memetic militancy: without names or leaders, anyone could be Pussy Riot. The trials of Nadya, Katya and Masha forcibly removed some that anonymity, but they have spoken out from jail declaring their willingness to see others continue the work.
“Thus we might come to understand the tactic of the black bloc, which has achieved such infamy these last years, as itself a kind of pop culture. Not because those who don the anonymizing balaclavas are famous, or believe in a struggle in the realm of images, but because this is an inevitable position within the universalized fame of surveillance. It is Warhol’s wig in negative. From the moment that daily life becomes a screen test, the black mask is inevitable. Every surveillance camera makes anarchy more compelling, more joyous. Pussy Riot’s Day-Glo glory adds a flourish, but the logic is impeccable.”—White Wigs, Black Masks: On Surveillance Pop